We
have much to learn from the Indigenous approach to law
and order, writes Vanessa Murray
Indigenous people comprise two per cent of the total
Australian population. But in 2006 they made up 24 per
cent of the prison population, and are, on average,
12 times more likely to be imprisoned than their non-Indigenous
counterparts. In some states, such as South and Western
Australia, the figures are far higher. Most serve sentences
of five years or fewer, and more than three quarters
- well above the national average of 58 per cent - can
be expected to re-offend. Such gross over-representation
of Indigenous people in prisons is not unique to Australia.
In New Zealand, Maori make up 15 per cent of the populace
and 50 per cent of the prison population, while in Canada,
3.3 per cent identify as Indian, Inuit or Mtis,
yet comprise 22 per cent of people behind bars.
Clearly, new approaches are needed across the spectrum
to enable Indigenous people to exist in the present
and future in self-determining and positive ways. And,
slowly but surely, Australia's justice system is being
reformed. Over the past 20 years, Indigenous rights
advocates, policy makers and lawmakers alike have worked
together to make justice more accessible, more meaningful,
and more effective for Indigenous people. The introduction
of Indigenous justice practices, both in Australia and
overseas, is effectively contributing to a more approachable,
less intimidating, experience of "white man's justice".
Indigenous paradigms of justice share a holistic philosophical
foundation treating justice as a circular concept connecting
everyone involved on a continuum. Imagined visually,
the continuum represents the entire process, from disclosure
of problems, to discussion and resolution, to making
amends and restoring relationships. The people - perpetrators,
victims, families, elders - form the circle. At the
centre of the circle are the crime, the underlying causative
issues, and the end goal of harmonious resolution for
all involved, and the community as a whole.
In practice, Indigenous justice draws upon principles
of restoration and reparation. The former restores harmony
by mending damaged personal and communal relationships,
and the latter are the actions and processes by which
an offender makes things right - both for him/her self
and those affected by the offence. The victim is the
focal point, and the goal is for the offender to make
sincere amends through deliberate acts of apology, asking
forgiveness, and making restitution. Regaining dignity
and trust is an important aspect of returning the victim,
the offender and the community to a healthy physical,
emotional, mental, and spiritual state.
This is quite a departure from the Western parable
of justice, which is adversarial, hierarchical, retributive
and punitive - in both theory and practice: adversarial
in its placement of two opposing parties in a courtroom
in order to determine guilt or innocence, or declare
a winner and loser; and hierarchical in that the vertical
power structure is a top-down system, with decision
making limited to a privileged, powerful few. It seeks
retribution in maintaining that because the victim has
suffered, the criminal should suffer, too. It also punishes
in its categorisation of criminals as wicked people
who are responsible for their actions and deserve to
be punished in order to appease the victim, satisfy
society's desire for revenge, and reconcile the offender
to the wider community by paying a debt to society.
Right and wrong, good and bad, black and white.
Brett Ahmat, former Executive Officer of the Melbourne
Metropolitan Regional Aboriginal Justice Advisory Committee
pointed out that Indigenous justice in Australia is
not about incorporating traditional law, but about applying
mainstream law in a more appropriate way. Indeed, the
operation and success of Indigenous justice is grounded
in its recognition, acceptance and formalisation by
the Western system. Like many of the people it targets,
Indigenous justice is at once embedded within, and outside
of, the mainstream system.
Magistrate Chris Vass was a key figure in the establishment
of systems of Indigenous justice in Australia. Vass
travelled on circuit to South Australia's Pitjantjatjara
Lands for 17 years. This, combined with 15 years' experience
in Papua New Guinea, motivated him to consult with local
Indigenous groups, the Aboriginal Legal Rights Movement
and the Department of Aboriginal Affairs, to redress
Indigenous people's deep distrust of the criminal justice
system. In June 1999, the first Aboriginal Court Day
was convened in South Australia, and not long after,
it was renamed the Nunga Court. In 2002, Indigenous
courts based on the South Australian model were established
in Victoria (the Koori Court) and Queensland. Speaking
on air in 2000, Vass explained how they work: "I
don't sit on the bench. I come down and sit at the other
side of the bar table. Defendants sit at that table
instead of sitting in a dock; they sit right in front
of me, next to their lawyer, and family members are
able to sit with them. And everybody gets to say something.
So that makes it a lot more intense and a lot more personal,
but in the end there's still got to be a sentence. The
sentence is a lot more personal for the people sitting
in the court room."
The degree of informality adopted by an Indigenous
court varies by jurisdiction and magistrate, but, in
general, considerably more time is taken for each matter
than would be the case in a regular court. Everybody
speaks plain English, and Indigenous elders play a key
role in advising the magistrate on an appropriate sentence,
which is sometimes a community based sentence.
New South Wales and the ACT have taken things a step
further and adopted the Canadian Circle Sentencing model.
Circle sentencing represents a significant paradigm
shift towards the notion of law as a way of life - a
living concept that is known and understood through
experience. In Canada, the structure of relationships
in many tribal communities is recognised as being paramount
to a legal system, where tribal law regulates the behaviour
of its members and determines the flow of how problems
are handled. Offenders are forced to be accountable
for their behaviour, to face the people whom they have
hurt, explain themselves, ask forgiveness, and take
full responsibility for making amends. Ritual, such
as ceremonial sweats, fasting, and purifications, is
often used to cleanse the spirit and soul of bad forces
that caused the offender to begin the healing and cleansing
process necessary for the victim, the offender, and
their families.
Established in 2002 and 2004 respectively, the NSW
and ACT Circle Sentencing Courts differ from the Nunga
Court model in operating less like an Indigenous court
day in a regular courthouse, and more like a community
forum. Held in culturally appropriate locations, such
as a community centre or traditional place, participants
sit in a circle that is closed to observers, and documentation
describing the offence and the offender is commented
on by all participants - the victim (if they want to
participate) the offender, their kin and support people,
an Aboriginal Project Officer, the defence counsel and
the police prosecutor. The Circle discusses an appropriate
sentence plan for the offender, and reconvenes after
a few months to assess the offender's progress. Its
focus is primarily repeat offenders who are likely to
receive a custodial sentence, but not all cases can
be heard in the Circle Sentencing Court - sex offences
and strictly indictable offences are ineligible - and
jail remains a sentencing option for the group.
A 2003 report by the NSW Judicial Commission and Aboriginal
Justice Advisory Council surveyed Circle Court participants,
who gave positive feedback. All except one of eight
victims surveyed said they were satisfied with the final
outcome, with one commenting that, "the offender
has become a better person with knowledge that he lacked
before." Offenders also responded positively, with
all bar one agreeing that the outcome was fair: "At
first I was not happy with the sentence, but I was glad
the Elders were there for support, and the victim had
more of an understanding of me." The offenders
stated that the most powerful aspect of the circle sentencing
experience was facing people from within their own community,
people whom they had known their whole lives. Support
people thought the opportunity for open discussion in
a safe environment between offender and victim had huge
impact: "He (the victim) had the opportunity to
ask why did you do this to me? And also an opportunity
to give his comments on the sentence." "I
think it was great that they (the defendant) could talk
to us. In a white man's court they just clam up."
All the defendants felt their behaviour had changed
since attending the circle: "It had a positive
impact on me...I have settled down." "I stay
home more...feel more secure...my relationship has developed
and I have more interaction with my children."
"I don't drink and drive anymore...it has changed
my life...I'm more work-oriented than I was before."
It's early days for number crunching on the recidivism
of offenders that experience Indigenous justice, but
it's looking good. A 2001 report by the Canadian Department
of Justice found that "restorative justice programs,
on average, yielded reductions in recidivism compared
to non-restorative approaches to criminal behaviour".
In one example, all 68 adults who participated in one
Alaskan Indian circle didn't repeat the offences or
violate any other laws during their probation periods.
This may not sound like much but, in fact, it represents
a significant break in the cycle of offending and re-offending
that many young Indigenous people have fallen into.
The whole of society has much to learn from the early
successes of the Indigenous justice paradigm. Its effectiveness
with Indigenous offenders would surely translate to
greater rehabilitation with non-Indigenous offenders
also. Chris Vass sums it up nicely;
"We get better results, not only for the offenders,
but for the victims and for the community, if we think
a bit more laterally about how we can stop people from
committing crimes. And locking people up, throwing the
key away and putting them in a cell is not an answer.
It's never been proved to be successful. In fact, all
it seems to do is allow relatively minor offenders to
meet people who are major offenders and learn the trade."
In New Zealand, the community based focus of the Indigenous
justice approach is being applied to other areas, such
as youth offending. Family group conferencing, strongly
influenced by traditional Maori concepts of collective
conflict resolution, unites young people, their families,
and victims together to decide how best to deal with
offending. Fragmenting the "corrective" process,
labelling the offender a "misfit" and "social
menace", and removing him/her from the community
are bandaid solutions that serve only to reinforce negative
behaviour. The key to true healing and resolution for
victims, offenders, their families and communities is
to treat crime as a natural human error requiring positive,
corrective intervention by families and community leaders
in ways that retain offenders as an integral part of
the community. After all, we are all part of a community,
with our own histories, kin and non-kin relationships,
and meaningful ways of being in the world.
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